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Alabama's New Utility Law Locks In Guaranteed Profits While Customers Foot the Bill
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Alabama's New Utility Law Locks In Guaranteed Profits While Customers Foot the Bill

Cascade Daily Editorial · · 16h ago · 23 views · 4 min read · 🎧 6 min listen
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Alabama's new utility law has protesters in the streets and economists raising alarms about what guaranteed profits mean for captive ratepayers.

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Two dozen protesters marching from Kelly Ingram Park to Alabama Power's Birmingham headquarters on a Monday morning might not sound like a seismic event. But the demonstration, modest in size, was a direct response to something with far larger consequences: Alabama Governor Kay Ivey signing a utility regulation bill that critics say effectively cements Alabama Power's financial dominance over the state's ratepayers for years to come.

Protesters march toward Alabama Power's Birmingham headquarters opposing the new utility regulation law
Protesters march toward Alabama Power's Birmingham headquarters opposing the new utility regulation law Β· Illustration: Cascade Daily

The signs carried by protesters captured the tension plainly. "Public utilities should be for the public," read one. "No more guaranteed profits," read another. These aren't abstract grievances. They reflect a structural frustration that has been building for years in a state where Alabama Power, a subsidiary of Southern Company, operates as the dominant investor-owned utility with limited competitive pressure and, now, what opponents describe as a legislatively reinforced financial cushion.

How Guaranteed Returns Reshape the Incentive Landscape

To understand why this bill matters beyond Alabama, it helps to understand how utility regulation typically works. Investor-owned utilities operate as regulated monopolies. In exchange for exclusive service territories, they accept oversight of their rates and returns. Regulators are supposed to act as a proxy for market competition, ensuring that profits don't balloon at the expense of captive customers who have nowhere else to turn for electricity.

The concern with Alabama's new law is that it tilts that balance. When a utility is guaranteed a rate of return regardless of efficiency or customer outcomes, the incentive to innovate, cut costs, or invest in consumer-friendly infrastructure weakens considerably. Economists who study regulated industries call this the "Averch-Johnson effect," a well-documented phenomenon where utilities over-invest in capital when returns on that capital are guaranteed, because more capital means a larger base on which to earn profits. Ratepayers end up subsidizing infrastructure that serves the utility's balance sheet more than their actual energy needs.

Alabama Power has not been shy about its scale. Southern Company reported revenues exceeding $23 billion in recent years, and Alabama Power represents a significant portion of that. The utility has also faced scrutiny over rate increases that have outpaced inflation, drawing complaints from residential customers and small businesses alike who feel squeezed with no viable alternative.

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The Second-Order Effects That Will Outlast the Protests

The most consequential effects of this legislation may not be felt immediately. They will accumulate quietly over billing cycles and budget seasons. When utilities operate under frameworks that insulate them from financial risk, the cost of that insulation doesn't disappear. It transfers. Ratepayers absorb it through higher bills. Local governments absorb it through constrained municipal budgets when energy costs for public facilities rise. Small businesses absorb it through reduced margins.

There is also a clean energy dimension worth watching. States with strong, consumer-accountable utility regulation tend to move faster on renewable energy deployment because regulators can compel utilities to pursue least-cost options. When that accountability loosens, utilities have less pressure to abandon legacy fossil fuel infrastructure, even when renewables become the cheaper option. Alabama already lags many Southern states on solar deployment, and a regulatory environment that prioritizes investor returns over cost efficiency is unlikely to accelerate that transition.

The protesters in Birmingham are drawing on a long tradition. Kelly Ingram Park, where the march began, is historically significant as a site of civil rights demonstrations in the 1960s. The choice of starting point was not accidental. Energy poverty and utility access have long had a racial and economic justice dimension in the American South, where lower-income and Black communities have disproportionately faced disconnections, high bills, and inadequate service.

What happens next in Alabama will be instructive. Utility regulation battles are intensifying across the country as energy costs rise, grid reliability becomes a political flashpoint, and the clean energy transition forces difficult conversations about who pays for infrastructure change. Alabama's law may embolden similar efforts in other states where investor-owned utilities carry significant political influence. Or the backlash from ratepayers, if sustained and organized, could force revisitation of the law's provisions before its effects fully calcify.

The deeper question isn't whether Alabama Power profits. It's whether the regulatory system designed to protect the public from monopoly power is still capable of doing that job, or whether it has become the mechanism through which monopoly power is preserved.

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